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  We need to stop getting polarised over the question of terrorism. It is not a right-wing or a left-wing issue, but one that affects us all. And while terrorism doesn’t have a religion, there’s no denying that IS, the most active global terrorist organisation at large today, follows a radicalised version of Islam. Hiding or denying this truth in the name of political correctness doesn’t help anyone either.

  The (mis)use of Islam to recruit terrorists puts the onus on the Muslim community in general, and Islamic countries in particular, to play an active part in solving the problem. The fact that radical Islamic organisations are able to generate funds for their activities is one of the reasons terrorism has reached epic proportions in the world today. To counter them, other kinds of Islamic organisations need to be created and funded by governments around the world. These modern, moderate and liberal Muslim organisations need not have guns, but they need to be prominent and influential enough to stand up to their fundamentalist counterparts.

  Also, Islam is the only religion which has spawned over a dozen theocracies or officially Islamic countries. Many of these are not democracies, and hence religious fundamentalists have a big say in how these countries are run. This complicates the problem, and is perhaps the reason why radical Islamic terror has thrived more than extremism motivated by other faiths. However, the rest of the world has to get together and put pressure on these countries, through diplomatic, economic or other means, to cultivate a zero tolerance policy on terrorism.

  Holding fundamentalist beliefs may well fall within the parameters of religious choice. However, when innocent people get hurt, all bets are off.

  Many of these Islamic countries have strict zero tolerance laws against narcotics, for instance, and are successful in keeping their countries drug-free. Similarly, they should be able to commit to zero tolerance for terrorism.

  Back home in India, we have to do the same. Terrorism is a hard threat to counter. Only a zero tolerance approach works. Hence, our home-grown terror apologists (the types who say terrorists are ‘just misguided youth’) should be condemned.

  A zero tolerance policy does not amount to asking for a ‘Muslim ban’ or labelling a religion as evil. At the same time, it doesn’t pussyfoot around the issue in the name of political correctness either.

  The solution to terrorism will not come from extreme points of view, but from taking a nuanced and practical middle stance based on logic and reason. It is time we took a break from extremitis, and worked together to make the world and our country a safer place.

  Gujarat’s Perfect Verdict: How Gujaratis Managed to Keep Both BJP and Congress on their Toes

  The Gujarat election results in 2017 were a timely lesson in accountability and balance for both our major political parties

  Gujarat saw a Goldilocks election in 2017. Meaning, the election results were ‘just right’. BJP won for a whopping sixth time, after ruling the state for over two decades. To win a majority, despite the usual anti-incumbency that sets in after such a long spell in power, is a major feat.

  The PM’s appeal is still intact in his home state, despite radical and controversial policy decisions such as demonetisation and GST. It looks like, just as Sonia backs Rahul, Gujarat continues to back its son, Modi. The party’s 2017 win in Himachal Pradesh, securing nearly two-thirds of the seats, was also cause for celebration for the BJP.

  And yet, things didn’t go exactly as BJP had anticipated. The margin of victory in Gujarat was not like their Uttar Pradesh triumph a few months earlier, where BJP captured 75 per cent of the seats. In Gujarat, BJP won 99 of 182 seats, or 54 per cent of the total. But the Congress won 77 seats which, though a losing figure, is not a washout.

  Many had thought Gujarat would be the safest state for the BJP. No matter what they did, Gujaratis would continue to support the party because of, well, Modi. But 2017 was hardly a cakewalk for the BJP in the state. It won due to a combination of sheer luck, better booth-level management, Congress’s lack of confidence, and Modi’s political smarts outsmarting Rahul’s.

  In other words, it was a hard-fought and hard-won election that the Congress came pretty close to winning too. If a dozen assembly seats had gone the other way and the Congress had come to office, there would have been a tectonic shift in Indian politics. If Modi had lost Gujarat in 2017, the BJP’s consequent loss of face and the corresponding boost in the Opposition’s morale would have seriously impacted the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha polls.

  No wonder that at one point in the vote-counting, when the Congress was ahead, the BSE Sensex dropped almost a thousand points. The stock market recouped the losses when BJP won, breathing a sigh of relief that the government was stable and Modi in control again. Hence, just this scare of a possible BJP defeat is reason enough for Congress to celebrate.

  However, after the celebrations are done, it is time for both parties to reflect on what they are doing wrong. The canny Gujarati voter has rapped the BJP’s knuckles without actually throwing it out. They have also encouraged the Congress, but love isn’t overflowing in that direction either.

  The BJP needs to realise that while, electorally, the Modi brand is a golden asset, he is not a god or a superhero. Yes, those comparisons might work well as a marketing ploy, but in reality Modi is someone who gives the party a solid edge in the polls. He boosts the BJP vote share by 5–10 per cent, depending on the state, the situation and the type of election. Normally, such swings are enough for a party to win. However, to take this for granted is a mistake.

  Of late, the BJP is making the ‘pure vikas’ voter, the fence-sitters who transferred loyalties to the party in 2014, nervous. The ruling party’s silence on love jihad murders and opportunism during the Padmavati controversy, their strategic muteness on hardline Hindutva in general, has been unsettling. The voters who finally began to trust the BJP in 2014 get nervous when the party panders to its hardliner base. This pandering was the reason why BJP seldom won in the past.

  The Hindus like their religion, but they don’t generally like impositions, bullying, and a general atmosphere in which one feels scared. Eventually, the right Opposition leader can harness this fear. For the BJP, the lesson is simple—more Vajpayee and less Advani, please.

  As for the Congress, they need to realise there is still a lot of work to be done. Rahul isn’t ‘back’, as some say, and their improved performance in Gujarat is not because of him. A lot of Congress gains came from the BJP’s mistakes, which accumulated over twenty-two years of rule in the state, especially their mishandling of certain movements (like the Patidar agitation). A lot of sympathy and encouragement that Congress is getting these days on social media comes from people who are scared of the BJP and are desperately seeking political alternatives, whatever those might be.

  This is not the same as people being attracted to Rahul or the Congress. Waiting for BJP self-goals is not a pro-active Opposition strategy, and is unlikely to yield quick results. The Congress has to set its own agenda. Moreover, rather than praising Rahul Gandhi for every trivial reason they can find, it is better to acknowledge that he still has a long way to go.

  In terms of running a grassroots party as well as capitalising on political opportunities as Modi does, Rahul has a lot to learn. For instance, Modi milking Mani Shankar Aiyar’s ‘neech’ comment to his own advantage is not something every politician can pull off. To hold the most powerful office in the country, and still be able to play a victim in the eyes of the public, is an art form. Rahul needs to learn it. Else, the Congress cannot hope to traverse the narrow margin of the Gujarat results or gain significant victories in other states.

  However, the 2017 Gujarat election may have benefited India in the long run. It showed the BJP that they must tone down support to hardliners, and that there was a real opposition to reckon with. For the Congress, it was an incentive to work harder, showing them a way to power, though it may still be far.

  The Gujaratis have spoken. We owe them thanks for having pushed both our nation